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Political Entities - Amal

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Amal is a political organization and militia of the Shi`i community in Lebanon. Amal is concentrated in South Lebanon and Beirut. Since the civil war in 1975, it became crucial to the life of every community in Lebanon to develop a military component to its political institutions. In the mid-1970`s, the increasing role played by militias organized by other communities led young Shi`i leaders, most notably Mussa al-Sadr, to set up their own organization. The Christian-Maronite Phalanges were active in the Civil War; Palestinian guerrilla organizations were dominating South Lebanon; the Islamic revolution was unfolding in Iran in 1979, and the broader political movements in Lebanon were distinctly weakened. Various local organizations coalesced in the late 1970`s to form Amal, which has emerged as a primarily Shi`i organization, representing the community`s specific interests. At that time it also became a militia first and foremost. Amal`s first political leader, after Sadr`s disappearance in 1978, was Hussein al-Husseini, who served from 1978 to 1979. He was succeeded by Nabih Berri in 1980. Al-Husseini and Berri were each later nominated Speaker of the Lebanese Parliament.

In the first years of the civil war, Amal restricted its operations to defending Shi`i villages and quarters, and generally stayed out of the war. Compared to other Lebanese militias, it was weak both politically and militarily. It lacked a territorial power base because Shi`i areas were under control of more powerful forces: the Palestinian organizations in the south, the Syrian Army in the Biqa` and the Palestinian leftists in West Beirut. By the time of Israel`s invasion in 1982, it had gained considerable strength. Amal had almost as many armed men as the Palestinian organizations, though not as well trained. After the expulsion from Lebanon by Israel in summer 1982 of most PLO forces, Amal became the strongest militia in the Shi`i areas of Beirut and South Lebanon.

The Shi`is initially welcomed the Israeli invaders, after long years of suffering under Palestinian rule. However, when it became clear that Israel intended to promote the dominance of the Maronite-Christian Phalanges, they became resistance fighters. Gradually, Amal moved closer to the Leftist Syria-oriented camp. From 1983 to 1984 Berri was in a tentative alliance with Walid Junblat. When a Leftist coalition formed a Government of National Unity in 1984, Berri joined it and tried to establish a special Ministry for South Lebanon with himself at its head. While being a cabinet minister, he actually remained in opposition and interfered with government efforts to govern the areas controlled by Amal. In February 1984, and again in April 1985, Amal gained control of West Beirut from opposing factions, though it later accepted a degree of army control. In any event, Amal remained the dominant force in these areas, with Syrian support.

President Amin Jumayyil had tried to suppress the Shi`is in Beirut and thereby provoked Amal to react. From 1985 Amal forcibly resisted the reestablishment of PLO control over the Palestinian camps in South Lebanon and Beirut. Bloody battles broke out and long continued, despite several cease-fire attempts, until "The Battle of the Camps" in January 1988. Syria, at that time had been trying to weaken Yasser Arafat, to strengthen the anti-Arafat pro-Syrian Palestinian factions, and to impose a settlement. The Syrian intervention, however, strenghthened Amal in the fight against the PLO.

Since 1979, and particularly since the 1982 war, the Shi`i community has experienced increasing extremist influence. The Shi`i-revolutionary regime in Iran has played a role by encouraging attacks against American and French targets in Lebanon and also, from 1983 to 1984, in growing Shi`i guerrilla attacks on Israeli forces occupying South Lebanon. Syria helped the radicals to established an independent base in the Syrian-occupied Biqa` region. Groups formed, identifying themselves as "Islamic Amal," "Hizballah," and "Islamic Jihad." These radical groups later split from Amal altogether and formed a loose alliance, Hizballah.

Some of the top religious Shi`i leaders, headed by Sheikh Muhammad Hussein Fadallah provided a religious legitimacy to Hizballah. Ever since, Amal and Hizballab have been engaged in a bitter competition for the support of the Shi`i community in Lebanon. They differ over in the means to reach the goal of equality, social justice and greater representation for the Shi`i community in Lebanon. The end of the 1980`s witnessed violent clashes between the two Shi`i movements over control of the Shi`i dominated areas, and while Hizballah was aided by Iran, Amal sought the help of Syria. The alliance with Syria bore fruit in the battlefield, where the Syrians tried to weaken the more radical, more threatening, Hizballah and help Amal. The Syrians also took Amal`s side politically; Nabih Berri was one of the pillars of the new political order in Lebanon established under Syrian auspices.

In December 1985 Nabih Berri and Walid Junblat agreed with Elie Hubeika, then leader of the Christian-Maronite "Lebanese Forces," on the Damascus Agreement. This was a plan for a new political structure for Lebanon, in line with Syria`s desires. The agreement was rejected by the Christian leadership and never took effect. In 1989 Amal accepted the Ta`if Agreement and took part in the political and military effort to end the Civil War in Lebanon, handing over most of its heavy weapons to the Lebanese government. Since 1992, Berri has become one of Lebanon`s most powerful politicians.

Amal participated successfully in the Lebanese Parliamentary elections of 1992, although Hizballah candidates, among others were included in the "Liberation List." They did very well in these elections and again in 1996, with a list formed together with Hizballah. Amal has sent several deputies to the Lebanese Parliament. Amal offers a more moderate political program than does Hizballah and maintains close relations with Syria.

Amal remains popular in the Shi`i community and is dominant in Lebanon, despite its emphasis on political means as opposed to the military effort exercised by Hizballah. However, Amal does not rule out all military activity. It has been active in military operations against Israel, though much less so than Hizballah.